Apr'18

Contents :(Apr 2018)

Influence of Religion on the Foreign Policies of the US and West Asian States
Saagar Kote
Student,
Department of International Studies and History,
Christ University,
Bengaluru 560029,
Karnataka, India;
and is the corresponding author.
E-mail: sagarkotebangalore@gmail.com
Madhumati Deshpande
Assistant Professor,
School of Law,
Christ University,
Bengaluru 560029,
Karnataka, India.
E-mail: madhumati.deshpande@christuniversity.in

Religion is an important determinant of foreign policy. It has a psychological impact on policy makers. Religious values and ideologies have an impact on state behavior. American foreign policy has cultural connotations in its interaction with the foreign policies of other states. Foreign policies of West Asian states have a deep-rooted connection with religion and religious ideology. The development of West Asia as a region is historically linked to religious and sectarian factors. West Asia's identity is strongly linked to its religious traditions and beliefs. It is quite natural that religious identity, values and philosophies influence such a region. Conservatism in the region is inseparable from Islamic and Jewish factors. Religion is an important factor in determining the foreign policy of West Asian states. Thus, the influence of religion on states' foreign policies is an area that requires further exploration by the academic circle. West Asia serves as a natural region of analysis in this regard due to its position in international politics and the way it is perceived by the West, especially the US.

Introduction
West Asia is one of the most important and sensitive regions in the realm of international politics in the contemporary world. The states' behavior in West Asia has never been easy to predict. The United States' foreign policy towards West Asia has been a complex issue to study. The factors determining America's policy towards West Asia are not economic and strategic factors alone.

When analyzing the actions of states in current times, political analysts and scholars tend to look at geographic, economic, and strategic factors. There seems to be minimal focus on factors other than the ones mentioned above. In a region like West Asia, religion still has a huge role to play. Though the world debates the end of ideology and places more importance on pragmatism influencing state practices, religious ideology still plays a significant role in certain regions of the world.

America's perception towards West Asia is also determined by public perception, Christian culture, and the idea of American exceptionalism which looks to promote democracy in the conflict-ridden region. There are various issues in West Asia involving both state and non-state actors. The nature of tension between the West Asian states is hard to determine through a single point of view. The influence of religion in the foreign policy of West Asian states has a direct impact on the US. The emerging power structure in West Asia is a complex one with the involvement of three major players tied to three distinct religious identities. America's foreign policy makers should be able to understand the importance of recognizing this emerging power structure in West Asia which could lead to a conflict between a Sunni-dominated Saudi Arabia, a Shia-dominated Iran, and a Jewish-dominated Israel. Due to its military might, economic power, and regional influence, the US naturally becomes an important player. Each of the three major powers in West Asia will have to maintain a balanced relationship with the US at least to prevent its partnership with a rival regional power.

Every tension in the region which has a sectarian angle to it provokes Iran to be more aggressive. One of the important factors in the region is that Iran is seen as the de facto leader of all Shias in the region. This unique status of Iran gives it the added responsibility of addressing sectarian concerns even in the remotest parts of the region using state mechanism and state funding. Due to the historical factors leading to the formation of the state of Saudi Arabia, it will always project itself as the home of true Sunni Islam. The sectarian angle of Sunni Islam will continue to have an influence on Saudi's engagement with Iran. There is a sense of disconnect between Iran and the US and mythic social construction of the other country in both the countries. The lack of understanding of each other's philosophies is the main point of contention between the two states. Though the Iran nuclear deal was signed by the US, the problem of image perception still exists in its engagement with the country and its Shia-dominated citizenry.

Literature Review
David Ottaway's article1 has many relevant issues related to religious determinism of US foreign policy towards Saudi and the region. There was tension between the two states due to the fact that 19 hijackers of 9/11 were Saudi nationals. The Sunni angle came into the picture immediately. America installed a Shiite government in Iraq a little later which irked Saudi Arabia as it would allow Iran to play a bigger role in the region using the Shia-Sunni conflict to a good effect.1 America's excessive promotion of democracy and the attempt to democratize West Asia did not go down well with Saudi Arabia which strongly believed in a totalitarian state. This approach of the US forced Saudi to support the US military presence in other West Asian states to prevent conflict, but with also a hidden agenda to prevent Iran from gaining dominance in the Persian Gulf area. The Israel-Palestine issue is also a crucial factor in the US-Saudi relations. Saudi Arabia is trapped in a circle of complex issues like Iranian dominance, Israeli aggression, Sunni identity, sectarian issues, US military presence, and a dynamic region.

Jeffrey Haynes' article2 mainly deals with religion, soft power, and their influence on foreign policy. It analyzes the concept of 'soft power' in the realm of international relations. It makes a clear distinction between soft power and hard power. Soft power is referred to as the 'third way' by the author, which is a different approach compared to the military and economic approaches. Thus, there is a clear attempt by the author to include religion under the umbrella of soft power in the field of international relations and politics.

The author point out that religion influences US foreign policy though the Constitution does not prescribe any one religion. The role of Evangelical groups is highlighted. An Evangelical influence on US foreign policy is bound to alter the perception of the policy makers towards non-Christian states or regions. While the author says that corporate lobbies may play an extremely crucial role in determining US foreign policy towards particular regions, religion does play a psychological role in creating the image of the 'other' regions. The role of the 'Israel Lobby' or the 'Jewish Lobby' is also highlighted. The Jewish lobby mainly tries to influence pro-Israeli policies which has an effect on regional politics in West Asia. The 'war on terror' too is looked at from a religious angle. The war on terror, when looked at from the angle of religion seems like an attempt by a Christian-dominated and Jewish-influenced US to carry out attacks against Muslims.

The paper also presents important points about the influence of religion in Iranian foreign policy. The focus point remains the Iranian revolution of 1979 which changed Iran's view towards the outside and the non-Shia world. A logical point provided is that post-revolutionary Iranian foreign policy has been guided by intense internal debates regarding religious principles, ideology, engagement with the West and specifically the US. A theocratic head of state also prevents the functioning of true democratic ideas and policies. The role of the hardliners in Iran according to the author is to support coreligionists beyond the borders of the state and the friction between hardliners and democrats will continue to exist in Iran. Iran's foreign policy since the death of Ayatollah Khomeini has been a source of tension between those who preferred a liberal approach to foreign policy and those who believed in a conservative approach. The example provided here is that of Mohammad Khatami who was elected in 1997 and faced opposition from the religious figures in the regime who were opposed to his liberal views. Iran's foreign policy is officially formulated by the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) which is close to the religious head Khamenei in the present day. Iranian policy making at the national level is basically a struggle between the secularists and the conservatives. For those Iranians with an extremely conservative view of the world, alliance or dialogue of any kind with the United States is not an acceptable proposition.

The article by Walter Russell Mead3 analyzes if the US support to Israel is based purely on the influence of the Jewish lobby or is it a bigger picture with the influence of other factors. The author opines that the pro-Israeli stand of America is not the victory of a small Jewish lobby, but a victory of the opinion of the general public who have always stood by the issue of Israel. The American Gentiles who support Israel base their arguments not only on political logic, but also on religious factors.3 The Biblical prophecy of Jews returning to their promised land also played a psychological role in influencing the American Christians, a majority of whom were Protestants. The Protestants of America held the belief that the Jews were victims of suppression in many parts of the world and there was a sense of justice in providing them their Promised Land. This was connected to ethics and the liberal spirit of the Protestant community. The belief that both the Jews and Christians shared religious commandments also played an important role in shaping the mind of the American citizen to support the Jewish cause, the same cannot be said for the Arabs. Thus, Israel's cause has recognition and support from other regions and states. The Jewish identity thus plays a major role in shaping the world's perception of Israel and Israel's perception of the outside world.

The essay by Derek H Davis'4 speaks about the internal changes in the United States which provides an insight into the way the American society works. This work is important because it gives insight into the nature of pluralism in the United States and the states' experiment with multiculturalism. This has a direct effect on foreign policy due to the voter power linked to religion. There is an important point about the resurgence of the dominance of Christian culture and Christian ideas in the state. Though America was able to separate the church and the state, it was not able to contain Christian cultural nationalism which has seen a resurgence since the 1970s. The author gives an idea of the nature of 'Cultural Nationalism' in the United States which is culturally Christian, but politically a multicultural state. The loss of Christian hegemony in the country is directly linked to the growing level of multiculturalism and the migration of Muslims and other non-Christians into the country. This work analyzes the power of the Christian community in the US post the 1970s and its influence on different aspects of state policy. A culture war seems to be prevalent in America, which also has global relevance.

The book by Paul R Pillar5 also talks about American exceptionalism and the isolation of the country from other world views. A psychological explanation of human cognition is also provided by the author which explains why Americans consider their own system as the ideal one. There is a strong link between American public opinion and US foreign policy towards the other regions of the world. The idea of 'god is on our side' also plays a major role in the development of the American world view. It is one of the main components of American exceptionalism. National power and the abundance of resources is also a factor in creating a sense of superiority. The Cold War was a war of perceptions and psychological factors. America's belief in total solutions also prompts its aggressive approach towards international conflicts and also promotes military intervention in other countries on the pretext of democracy, liberty, and development as tools of justification.

Role of Religion in the Foreign Policies of West Asian States
Saudi Arabia is a major power in West Asia. It has one of the largest economies in the region. It houses the two holy cities of Mecca and Medina, which have given it a special cultural-religious role in the Muslim world. Saudi also believes that it is the true home of Islam and considers itself to be the legitimate representative of Sunni values and goals. The presence of strong Islamic values has given Saudi Arabia a feeling of superiority over its neighbors. It therefore assumes that it has acquired the position of a 'leader' in the region. Though Saudi Arabia is not as powerful as other states in the region in terms of military power, it enjoys healthy relations with the United States. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia is a complex area which includes the identities of Islamism and Arabism. These identities make the region more complicated to deal with. Saudi Arabia, due to its religious beliefs cannot afford to stay totally neutral from religious and sectarian conflicts in the region.6

The rise of Iran in the region has challenged Saudi's hegemony and identity. Sectarian hatred in West Asia has only increased after the Iranian revolution of 1979. Thus, Saudi in the present day has to assert its Sunni identity to maintain a level of legitimacy in the region.

The so-called leadership of the Sunni world also affects Saudi's foreign policy in a way that makes it less flexible and less willing to compromise on certain issues like the Israel-Palestine issue, the issue of Iranian hegemony, etc. Israel could have been an important ally for Saudi Arabia in the region to counter the might of Iran, but religious identity prevents it from developing relations with the Jewish State. Saudi's proximity to the US is not only based on its position as a leading oil exporter, but also due to its influence over the Sunni identity. Saudi Arabia used Islam to counter the growing influence of Gamal Abdal Nasser and his Pan-Arabianism during the 1960s. Saudi Arabia had desired to use Islam as the ordering principle of regional alliances and organizations. Saudi's support to Muslim fighters in Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan indirectly led to the formation of the Al Qaeda. Thus, Saudi's involvement with non-state actors is not a modern concept. Saudi Arabia uses its religious power to influence non-state actors throughout the region to become a more effective power. Saudi maintains ties with Salafi groups in the region to extend its sphere of influence.

Due to its image as the home of Mecca and Medina, it is quite natural to assume that Saudi Arabia's foreign policy is bound to have religious influences. As a cultural-religious factor, the 'Hajj' brings Muslims from all over the world to Saudi Arabia. Thus, Saudi Arabia's image as a Muslim power center is not an illogical construct. The Saudi regime has used oil revenues to support Muslim causes even in distant countries like the Philippines. The hegemonic stability theory applies to the position of Saudi Arabia in the Sunni world due to the fact that it represents the dominant Sunni view to the outside world. One of the important facts to look at when considering the dominant position of Saudi Arabia in the Sunni world is its strong alliance with the US. Saudi Arabia has made a grand attempt to use economic and trade strength to legitimize its leadership of a major sect in Islam. Saudi's foreign policy is unique and also has contradictory positions. There seems to be a genuine interplay between religious factors and factors of national interest.

Saudi Arabia has also used Islam as a unifying factor in formal agreements among the states of the region. Saudi Arabia played a major role in the formation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Saudi's future depends not only on its oil, relations with the US, and regional leadership. It also depends on strategic use of Islam in its engagement with its own neighbors and the West. Abd al-Aziz, the former ruler of Najd (a region in Saudi Arabia) during the first half of the 20th century forged a political movement to stabilize his rule over the region. The movement is known as 'Wahhabism'. It has had historical association with the Al Saud regime. Wahhabism is a puritanical idea of Islam. Wahhabism sought to reform Islam by returning to classical Islam of the time of Prophet Muhammad and proselytization of people. The Wahhabi movement used clerics as active participants. The Wahhabi group is still an important factor in determining the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia.

Iran is a major power in West Asia. It is one of the most prominent non-Arab states in the region. Iran plays a very prominent role in the region's politics due to its economic might, nuclear program, and its leadership of the Shias. Modern day Iran's identity is strongly linked to the Islamic-based revolution of 1979 under Ayatollah Khomeini which changed the political system of Iran and gave birth to the Islamic Republic. Due to Iran's staunch theocratic values and religious conservatism, it has been able to effectively utilize the Shia identity to its benefit. It would be foolish to underestimate the role played by religion in Iran's domestic and foreign policies. Iran's foreign policy is also sometimes referred to as a 'counter culture' foreign policy due to its origins in the Islamic Revolution of 1979 which sought to 'save' Iran from westernization and cultural erosion.7

Iran's hatred of the US is characterized by its post-revolutionary belief systems. The Shia identity is the most important factor in determining the national identity of Iran. Iran's goal of achieving regional supremacy has been a recurring feature of the states' foreign policy. Ideological factors play a prominent role in determining the direction of Iran's foreign policy. Iran's view of the outside world stems from its Islamic identity and belief systems. Iran's greatest aim is to achieve Shia dominance in the Muslim world. Iran's regional struggle against Saudi Arabia and its extreme anti-Israel stand can only be attributed to its religious values. Iran is also identified as being a revisionist state.8 Iran's support to radical Islamic groups like Hezbollah is an internationally known fact. Iran is therefore engaging itself with non-state actors to promote its own interests. Iran's relations with its Sunni-dominated neighbors has not been smooth. Iran is also accused of killing Sunnis by Sunni majority states. The institutionalization of theocracy in Iran is an important factor which should be included in the analysis of the states' foreign policy. Since the late 1990s, the supreme leader of Iran and his trusted group of Shia bureaucrats have been known to play an important role in the process of foreign policy making in the state. Thus, foreign policy making in Iran cannot be separated from religious figures.

US relations with Iran has largely been an issue of 'image' and 'perception'. Academics believe that America's engagement with the Islamic Republic is a case of ideological opposition and debate. Americans view Iran as a force against the 'liberal' values that they hold dear. Khatami tried reforming Iran, but was not largely successful due to the continued prevalence of certain fundamental value systems of Iran. After the 1979 Revolution, the US strongly condemned the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran and also started supporting Sunni militants in Afghanistan. The US was able to use the sectarian divide quite efficiently in its engagement with the region. The US attempted to project itself as a force against radical Islam and communism in West Asia.

Israel is today recognized as a vibrant political, economic, and military entity in West Asia. The Jewish State has been in the forefront of international politics since its inception. Israel's foreign policy is deeply influenced by its neighborhood, which is predominantly made up of Muslim states. One of the main elements in the development process of any country is its population, its views, ideals, and value systems. When analyzing Israel, the understanding of the states' policies at both the local and international levels should include the analysis of the states' demographics.9 Israel's creation was linked to the Zionist movement which sought a homeland for the Jews of the world after centuries of persecution and cleansing. The main goal of the Zionists was to give a direction to the Jews of the world and give them their promised homeland called Zion (Jerusalem). In a general sense, Zionism is a nationalist-religious movement that has strongly supported self-determination of its people and the sovereignty of the Jewish homeland. Thus, national security and national interest in Israel are both linked to a religious ideology. Zionism is a powerful ideology.

Hostility and enmity towards Israel in the region is characterized by anti-Jewish sentiments. Israel's foreign policy cannot be separated from the idea of Israel being a Jewish State. Analysis of Israel's foreign policy should also include the study of the role played by religious pressure groups. The regional system of West Asia makes Israel's foreign policy a complicated area of study. Israel attempted to outdo the Arab nationalist cooperation and break Arab unity by using covert military and political ties with sects in Iraq, Sudan, and Lebanon. In his seminal study "The Foreign Policy System of Israel" written more than four decades back, Michael Brecher described the dominant Jewish character of the State of Israel as a the main factor determining the foreign policy of the state. There is a strong affinity between the elites and the citizenry with respect to religious values. 'Jewishness' is an aspect which has a deep impact on politics. Jewish immigration to Israel happens primarily because of religious beliefs and nerds. Israel's foreign policy is extremely favorable to migrants who are Jewish.10

In a political sense, Zionism is not limited to building a homeland for the Jews, it also involves the protection and security of the so-called homeland. Due to a hostile Arab neighborhood, it is quite natural for Israel to feel the need to protect itself from not only foreign states, but also a hostile religion. Due to historical, political, social, and cultural factors, Israel is a unique state in West Asia. The national security of Israel is also linked to the security of its religion and its holy sites. The social values of Israel are also strongly influenced by religious philosophies. Israel's foreign policy does not reflect only the views of the elites, it also reflects the social reality and the world view of the majority Jews.

Palestine is one of the central issues of Israeli foreign policy. Israel's policy towards Palestine has both regional and global implications. Palestine has been a rallying point for Islamic opposition to Israel's aggression. Zionist leader Ze'ev Jabotinsky held that Israel's approach should be that of resistance in the face of the implacable animosity of a hostile Arab and Islamic West Asia. He believed that resistance to Palestine was the best guarantee of Israel's national security. Though Israel's foreign policy is predominantly guided by realist assumptions, Jewish values and interpretations of Zionism still play an important role in the process of foreign policy making. Iran's change to an Islamic State after the 1979 Revolution had a deep impact on Israeli-Iran relations. Before the 1979 Revolution, Iran and Israel had formed a strategic alliance based on common interests. Religious domination of Iranian politics hampered Iran's relations with Israel. After its formation, Israel had considered the non-Arab Iran to be an important and reliable ally in the region. Israel later used the collective identity of the Arab states to its own advantage. One of the interesting points to note is that Israel needed to project Arab states as an 'enemy' using the religious image. The so-called Arab enemy made Israel a stronger state and contributed to Israel's image building as a Jewish State capable of countering Muslims in multiple fronts as proven by the Six-Day war.

Religion as a Factor in US Foreign Policy Towards West Asia
The US is a complex mixture of many races, cultures, and identities. One of the most commonly identified factors which acts as a unifying factor for all Americans is 'liberalism'. America has been and still is the land of opportunities. Protestant Christian liberalism and economic freedom have played a great role in developing the economy and image of the US at the global level. In the present day, one of the major issues Americans deal with on a daily basis is the issue of terrorism. The perception of the US on terrorism is guided by its own values and the categorization of Muslims as the 'other'. Analyzing the role of religion in shaping America's perception of foreign problems is a complicated task. Religion has historically played an important role in shaping the value system of the US. Religious freedom is an important value which is held dear by most Americans. The US Constitution does not make any reference to a State religion.

Paul R Pillar says that "The trajectory of religious influences on American attitudes has been uneven but upward. Besides passing through the Second and Third Great Awakenings of the nineteenth century, Americans found certain beliefs of revealed religion to be natural complements to the national self-image that other aspects of their circumstances and history had nurtured. This was especially true regarding the idea of Providence as underlying America's blessedly fortunate physical circumstances and historical success. The conjoining of God's will with not only those circumstances but also with the American peoples' will was a theme increasingly heard in the late nineteenth century from figures such as William Jennings Bryan. A similar combination would appear, with particular reference to foreign relations, in the writings and speeches of Woodrow Wilson and John Foster Dulles in the twentieth century and continue through George W Bush in the twenty-first."11

American foreign policy is mainly aimed at increasing its global image and economic strength, but cultural, ideological, and religious factors also play an important role in this aspect. America's intervention in wars abroad has often been justified by Americans using moralistic arguments which are rooted in religious undertones. George W Bush referred to the perpetrators of 9/11 as 'satanic' and 'evil'. American policies against terrorism have specifically targeted Islamic terrorism. Bush also justified US intervention in Afghanistan by saying that Afghanistan deserves freedom and it should be considered a gift from the Almighty. Religiosity in America is a major source of America's world view. It is an observable phenomenon that religiosity at a general level is strongly prevalent in the American society. Paul Pillar uses the term 'Judeo-Christian' to refer to the religious mindset of the US. Protestantism emerged as a major influence in America primarily due to its natural inclination towards capitalism and economic wellbeing. Islamophobia in America, post 9/11 and in general, can be attributed to sectarian influences of Evangelical Protestantism. It can be said that the US is more religious than Western Europe.

America's perception of international conflicts like the Israel-Palestine conflict is also shaped by its Judeo-Christian values. Therefore, America's pro-Israel stand is natural. America's attempt to democratize the world can also be attributed to its view of the Third World and the non-Western world. The US seeks to spread market capitalism throughout the world using the institution of democracy. Thus, it should be considered if America uses an Oriental approach in its engagement with Asia and Africa. Threat perception in America is also linked to sectarian influences. The US also looks at the Arab Spring as a struggle between Islamists and secularists, therefore it is only looking at West Asian conflicts from a religious point of view and as an opportunity to introduce democracy. Despite the influence of liberalism, there seems to be a perception of 'Us and them' in the US.

America's perception towards West Asia is also determined by public perception, Christian culture, and the idea of American exceptionalism which looks to promote democracy in the conflict-ridden region. There are various issues in West Asia involving both state and non-state actors. The nature of tension between the West Asian states is hard to determine through a single point of view. The influence of religion in the foreign policy of West Asian states has a direct impact on the US.

Conclusion
Religion's influence on foreign policy is thus a complex area. There are multiple perspectives on the subject. It is a Herculean task to understand the subject in all its complexities. The way religion influences foreign policy varies from state to state, and region to region. Religion and religious ideology often act as catalysts to many foreign policy decisions. Religion plays both a direct role and an indirect role in foreign policy making. In certain cases like Iran's policies towards Israel after the Iranian revolution, religion has a more direct influence on foreign policy. In other cases like America's views on the Third World countries, the influence of religion is indirect. Religion is still an active force in the 21st century. The nature of its influence might have changed, but the influence still remains intact.

The Shia-Sunni divide in West Asia is far from over. Iran's national interest is inescapably linked to its dominant Shia ideology. Saudi Arabia has still not moved away from projecting itself as the keeper of Mecca and Medina. The US recognizes that the region has religious and sectarian factors constantly affecting national identity and state decisions. The approach of the US towards the region and vice versa is a complex amalgamation of many factors, and religion is an important one. One of the examples that can be used to decipher the hidden agenda in West Asia is the Qatar diplomatic crisis which also has a sectarian angle that is not debated. Qatar's relative proximity to Iran compared to the other Sunni majority states had a role to play in determining their approach towards the state. The US too is able to generate critical influence in such crisis situations, while also remaining invisible. The situation post the Iran nuclear deal has not been a stable one. Post the swearing in of Donald Trump as the President of the US, there has been a change in West Asia's relations with the US. The scenario in West Asia is still complex in nature and is a game with infinite possibilities.

  1. David Ottaway (2009), "The King and Us: US-Saudi Relations in the Wake of 9/11", Foreign Affairs, Vol. 88, No. 3, pp. 121-131.
  2. Jeffrey Haynes (2008), "Religion and Foreign Policy Making in the USA, India and Iran: Towards a Research Agenda," Third World Quarterly, Vol. 29, pp. 143-165.
  3. Walter Russell Mead (2008), "The New Israel and the Old: Why Gentile Americans Back the Jewish State", Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, pp. 28-46.
  4. Derek H Davis (2010), "Religious Pluralism as the Essential Foundation of America's Quest for Unity and Order", in The Oxford Handbook of Church and State in the United States, Oxford University Press Inc., New York.
  5. Paul R Pillar (2016), Why America Misunderstands the World: National Experience and Roots of Misperception, Columbia University Press, New York.
  6. F Gregory Gause III (2014), "The Foreign Policy of Saudi Arabia", in The Foreign Policies of Middle East States, pp.185-206, 2nd Edition, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London.
  7. Anoushiravan Ehteshami (2014), "The Foreign Policy of Iran," in The Foreign Policies of Middle East States, pp. 261-88, 2nd Edition, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London.
  8. Ali M Ansari (2006), Confronting Iran: The Failure of American Foreign Policy and the Roots of Mistrust by Ali M Ansari, C. Hurst and Co., London.
  9. Jalil Roshandel (2011), "Israel: Politics and People," in Iran, Israel, and the United States: Regime Security vs. Political Legitimacy, pp. 31-53, 1st Edition, Praeger Publishers, Santa Barbara, California.
  10. Clive Jones (2014), "The Foreign Policy of Israel," in The Foreign Policies of Middle East States, pp. 289-314, 2nd Edition, Lynne Rienner Publishers, London.
  11. Paul R Pillar (2016), op. cit.

Reference # 55J-2018-04-02-01